Post Oct. 7 Israel: Divided, veering right and embracing Jewish identity

One year on from the devastating October 7 attacks on Israel's border communities and the ensuing brutal war in Gaza, Al-Monitor marks the anniversary with special coverage. It includes interviews with prominent Palestinian and Israeli figures, along with reports from Gaza, Jerusalem, and Tel Aviv.

JERUSALEM — One year after the Oct. 7 attack by Hamas, the rift within the Israeli Jewish society continues to expand, with Israeli society moving to the right and embracing its religious identity.

On the eve of Oct. 7, 2023, Israeli society was already perched on top of a powder keg. Protests against planned government legislation to weaken the country’s courts developed into countrywide demonstrations that divided society to the point where no issue could muster consensus.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's sixth government, a coalition of extreme right-wing and ultra-Orthodox parties, encountered fierce opposition from the moment it was formed in late December 2022. Secular, liberal Israelis saw it as an immediate threat to the country’s democratic traditions, depriving them of the control they enjoyed for decades for their military service and contribution to the country’s economy. They set out to fight for what they viewed as an existential war against the forces who meant to turn Israel from a prosperous democracy into a country ruled by conservative authoritarianism.

Even service in the reserve army, considered a sacrosanct symbol of statehood and national resilience, was sacrificed in this war, with large groups of reservist pilots and intelligence officers announcing they would no longer show up to serve what they considered a dictatorial regime. Vilified as traitors and criticized for undermining the country’s military competence, they nonetheless vowed to protect democracy rather than a government they opposed.

This clash was disastrous for society. Never in the history of the state had a powerful group taken advantage of the military to settle political discord — not during the bitterest debates between the political left and the right over the 1993 Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords, nor over the deeply contentious evacuation of Israeli settlements from Gaza in 2005.

At 75, Israel found itself plunged deep into a crisis of identity, raising the specter of civil war and imminent implosion.

A torn society confronted with the Oct. 7 massacre

Such was the state of affairs at 6:30 a.m. on Oct. 7 when Hamas hordes from Gaza breached the border fence, forcing the country into a different kind of war. The horrific massacre of civilians and scenes that evoked comparisons to the Holocaust shook society to the core.

In the first days, weeks and months, the grief, shock and trauma appeared to unite diverse domestic groups determined to fight against an external enemy threatening the country’s survival, not against each other. Shoulder to shoulder on the battlefield and in bomb shelters, they set aside their differences. However, as the war dragged on, raising questions about its conduct and aftermath, the social and political clash resurfaced.

The ongoing war, and its expansion to several fronts, has mitigated the intensity of the domestic friction — but it has not buried it. The most contentious issue –—whether to make a deal with Hamas in return for the release of Israel’s hostages or maintain a military presence in the Gaza Strip and continue fighting — reflects the internal crisis between liberals and conservatives and between much of the public and its leadership.

Israel's population on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, the new year of the Hebrew calendar, is about to hit 10 million. Commentators, sociologists and historians are asking themselves what kind of society will emerge from this cataclysm. They all foresee a tectonic shift, but they differ on its nature.

"There are many unknown elements in this equation, such as how the war will end," renowned sociology professor Nissim Mizrachi of Tel Aviv University told Al-Monitor. "There are similarities between the deep rift within Israeli society and the deep rift in American society. But unlike American society, Israeli society faced an external threat on Oct. 7. The external threat generated a connecting force for Israeli Jews from both political camps."

Mizrachi explains that fighting against a common enemy has spawned countless expressions of solidarity and brotherhood between the two camps. "Of course, as time passed, the deep rift between the camps reemerged, especially over the issue of the abductees. As was the case before the war, and even more so, each side distrusted the other side's true motives. In a polarized situation, in Israel as elsewhere, each side tends to give the other zero moral credit."

Despite the continued uncertainties, continued fighting on all fronts and lingering trauma, the contours of the new Israel emerging during the worst year of its history can already be defined.

Contrary to all assessments in the first months after Oct. 7, and against all odds, Netanyahu's government did not fall despite the disaster that occurred on its watch. In fact, the government has been bolstered with the addition to it this week of Netanyahu’s bitter rival, New Hope party chief Gideon Saar, giving it 68 seats in the 120-member legislature. 

This staunch majority would conceivably allow Netanyahu to see out his term until the elections scheduled for 2026. Saar, who broke away from the Likud in 2020 and mounted a virulent campaign against Netanyahu over his alleged corruption, gave in to Netanyahu’s persuasion and joined the government after seeing the Likud’s comeback in recent polls. The Likud is once again the largest party in Israel, overtaking the centrist National Unity party, which emerged as the strongest party after Oct. 7. 

There is no escaping the conclusion that has long been instinctively suspected, which is that Jewish society has moved to the right of the political center, with many veering to the far right. The seemingly increasing external threats reinforce this trend. Sentiment in favor of peace with the Palestinians, already eroded in recent years, has plunged.

A repeat of an Israeli coalition government that includes representatives of Israel’s 21% Arab minority, as was the case in 2021-2022 when Netanyahu was ousted from power, is highly unlikely. Even opposition leader Yair Lapid, one of the architects of that government, acknowledged this. 

Anyone who has visited hospital wards and rehabilitation centers in recent months understands that regular and reserve fighters still seek unity and do not want to see the country torn apart by demonstrations of rage. This sentiment is projected to broader family and community circles, regardless of their support or opposition to Netanyahu. This sentiment also explains why leaders of the 2023 protest movements have failed time and time again over the past year to reignite the fires that burned on the streets of the country before the shock of Oct. 7.

A resilient Israeli society

Israeli society has proven its resilience over the past year. Life goes on even under missile attacks from Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, Iraq and Yemen. Many foreign correspondents who come to Tel Aviv are amazed to see the sidewalk cafes filled to capacity just minutes after missiles fall and warning sirens blare.

The Gaza border town of Sderot is proof of this resilience. After coming under fire from Gaza for over a decade, the town was overrun by Hamas assailants on Oct. 7, and dozens of its residents were slaughtered. The city was evacuated, but residents have now returned home and city services have been fully restored. According to municipal data, Sderot's population has grown by 1,000 since the war, and it now stands at 33,000. 

Another evident change is the strengthening of Jewish identity among secular Jews. The Hamas massacre targeted all Jews, regardless of the extent of their self-identification. Social media is full of photos showing soldiers, even those who do not wear head covers or consider themselves religious, praying on the battlefield.

"Every crisis is also an opportunity, because the dramatic moment of closing ranks against a shared enemy causes people from both camps to need and experience a powerful connection,” Mizrachi said.